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For the third time, the National Assembly has adopted the bill establishing a "right to assisted dying." The Archbishop of Paris calls for "abandoning this path." The Catholic Church is entering a phase of institutional resistance that the law now makes necessary.
We had followed step by step the progress of this text: the parliamentary maneuvers, the all-out Catholic mobilization, the solemn appeal of Cardinal Sarah and the episcopate, the votes in joint committees, the setbacks and advances. June 30, 2026, marks the date feared by those who refuse to confuse death given with death assisted: the National Assembly adopted the text establishing a "right to assisted dying" for the third and final time. The law is now adopted.
The solemn vote took place on June 30, 2026. Yaël Braun-Pivet, President of the Assembly, hailed the "culmination" of the debates. The text establishes a right to assisted dying for adults suffering from a serious and incurable illness, in an advanced or terminal phase, causing refractory suffering. The individual conscience clause is maintained—but healthcare institutions cannot collectively oppose it. Archbishop Laurent Ulrich of Paris responded by solemnly calling to "renounce this path." Généthique reports that medical voices continue to assert that "palliative care and euthanasia are incompatible and irreconcilable"—a distinction the law methodically erases.
The Church has not wavered. Evangelium Vitae (John Paul II, 1995, n. 65) is explicit: "Euthanasia is a grave violation of the law of God, inasmuch as it is the deliberate and morally unacceptable killing of a human person." The Catechism of the Catholic Church reaffirms that "Whatever its motives and means, direct euthanasia consists in putting an end to the lives of handicapped, sick, or dying persons. It is morally unacceptable" (CCC 2277). The notion of "refractory suffering" as a criterion for access to induced death constitutes a door that no one can guarantee will remain narrow. Belgian and Dutch history demonstrates this with distressing regularity.
The individual conscience clause is a partial victory. But the impossibility for a Catholic healthcare institution to collectively refuse the act constitutes a serious infringement on the Church's institutional freedom. This is the next front. Catholic institutions—FEHAP, Petites Sœurs des Pauvres, denominational retirement homes—will have to define their canonical and legal line of resistance. Catholic caregivers, for their part, face professional pressure that will only grow.
That the President of the Assembly hails the "culmination" of the debates reveals a vision of politics that confuses the irreversible with the definitive. A law can be repealed. What is less reversible is the habituation of consciences. This is the real danger: not the law itself, but the progressive normalization that will follow. Archbishop Ulrich's appeal is just—but it will be judged by the actions that follow. Episcopal words must now translate into concrete support for caregivers, families, and institutions.
For the faithful, the response to this law is not discouragement, but commitment. Supporting palliative care homes, accompanying dying loved ones, educating one's conscience on the distinctions the law deliberately blurs: this is the concrete vocation of Catholics facing this new legal reality. The bishops have said no. It is up to each of us to give substance to this refusal.
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La loi passe, mais dans mon village, personne n’en veut.
C’est souvent comme ça : les lois s’écrivent loin des villages, mais c’est là qu’on voit si elles tiennent debout.
Chez nous en Bretagne, on a toujours refusé qu’on nous impose des lois qui contredisent nos traditions. Aujourd’hui, c’est pareil : une loi venue de Paris ne changera pas ce qu’on vit depuis des siècles.
En Bretagne aussi on a nos traditions, mais on sait que la foi, elle, ne change pas. Une loi de Paris ne fera pas taire nos églises.
C’est bien joli de parler de soin de l’âme, mais quand on voit un proche souffrir sans espoir, c’est dur de ne pas se demander si on a le droit de le laisser comme ça.
C’est bien beau de parler d’aide à mourir, mais pourquoi on ne met pas plus d’argent dans les soins palliatifs ? Ça éviterait à des gens de demander ça par désespoir.
C’est vrai, ça ! On parle d’aide à mourir, mais les services de soins palliatifs, ils sont toujours en sous-effectif. Un peu d’argent là-dedans, et beaucoup de gens n’auraient même pas à se poser la question.
On nous parle de dignité de la vie, mais c’est quoi la dignité quand on attend 6 mois pour un rendez-vous en gériatrie ? L’Église ferait mieux de se battre pour ça aussi.
C’est bien joli de parler de compassion, mais où est la vraie miséricorde quand on donne la mort ? Ma belle-sœur infirmière voit déjà des pressions sur les patients.
Aide à mourir : le référendum bloqué, l'Assemblée dans la semaine du vote